William
Jermyn Conlin (July 26, 1831 – November 19, 1891) better known by
his stage name William J. Florence, was a US actor, songwriter, and
playwright. Florence was one of a select number of Americans to win the
ribbon of the French Societe Histoire Dramatique. He was also co-founder
with Walter M. Fleming of the Shriners. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shriners (Member of Mount Moriah Lodge,
No. 155, Philadelphia; Initiated, Crafted, and Raised October 12, 1853.
Zerubbabel Chapter, No. 162, 1854. Pittsburgh Commandery, No. 1, 1854.
Brother Brockaway copies the following from the Minutes of Aurora Grata
Lodge of Perfection, Brooklyn, New York, of which he was Thrice Potent
Master)
It becomes the American people in each annual round to commemorate the day of their national birth. The}' owe it to themselves to assemble in there luxuriant groves and upon these silvery streams to refreshen the deeds and great inci- dents of that day and period. They owe it to the soldiers statesmen and brave spirits, that they celebrate with be- coming respect and a noble gratitude the era in which they ndvocated liberal principles, engrafted them into the con- titutious of the American communities, and pledged theirs chivalry for their defense, endured toil, suffering and the winter's storm for their promotion and elevation. They owe it to that glorious freedom which, centuries before taking her flight from the shrines of European governments, retired to the sequestered bowers of these American forests. Strong emotions, a burning patriotism, a dignified love of noble deeds, should on this day characterize the American heart. Every heart should be filled with grateful sentiments, every mind utter the language of its glowing thoughts, and every altar erected to justice and law, should be crowned with garlands of rejoicing and festivity. The great people should come from their blessed farms and cottage homes -should gather in from the valley and from the mountains to commemorate the era of their national existence. This day, 67 years ago, there sprang into being, the germ of a mighty constitution and people- That great charter of our liberties- that great shield, broad and round as the moon, covered with the thick bases of liberal rights— that proud instrument, the declaration of American independence, was proclaimed from the continental congress and went forth to arouse brave hearts and stir the flames of war; It "was read from the pulpit, and prayers went up for the Divine countenance" — it was read under the quiet roof, and tender youth and decrepit age, rubbing up his dusty eye, went forth to the throng of battle- it "was read at the head of the army, every sword was drawn in its defense and vows were made to live under the declaration," or fall on the field of blood and of carnage.
By British tyrants it was spurned and despised. Freedom was treated as a vagary of the brain, patriotism and the endearments of the native soil, as the hypocrisy of faction, as the murmurs of rebellion. Proclamations went forth that all were traitors and rebels to a merciful throne, that the eloquent statesmen and patriot spirits of Americans were to be conquered or bowed in death. Brazen navies hovered within the headlands and British legions, rattled their urnioiy upon the hills and marshalled their hosts upon the plains. But "thi'ice is he armed who hath his quarrel just," and young America wrestled with the powers that came to conquer and to enslave. She triumphed upon land and upon sea. Upon land a thousand bloody scenes marked the strength of her courage and the splendor of her arms. Upon the sea her sails rode before the gules of victory, and the British lion growled humble submission at the feet of the American eagles. Eight years of toil and suffering, of woe
and anguish. Eight years of dark, blood}' and angry revolution, rent in
twain the colonies and the mother country, leaving the sweet waters,
green pastures and fair cities of the western shore to be enjoyed by the sons and daughters of freedom and liberal laws.
When peace was restored, when chaos, ruin and revolution assumed the elements of order and subordination, the colonies found themselves in a weak, shattered state. Drained of blood, exhausted in treasure, they began to fit up the affairs of civil polity, of law, of constitution. Experience soon taught the lesson that the Old Confederation was inadequate to fulfill the design intended. It was too frail an arch to uphold a score of young and powerful sovereign states, that would evidently, sooner or later, wield an influence, moral and political, tantamount to that of the most splendid principalities and powers. It was a covenant that was not sufficiently binding upon the contracting parties, as either to hold them in awe of national omnipotence, or of teaching a reverence for the functions of the supreme political government. Fears of external force and oppression had driven them into the ties of sisterhood, yet in the bowers of peace and amid the charms of quiet, political bickerings and heart-burnings, injuries and the supposed invasions of rights, might induce them to blow the coals of strife and corrupt the virtues that triumphed over British courage and Hessian butchering. Lest these Confederated States might split upon the same rock — might live over the same mournful tale of woe with ancient confederacies and modern leagues, it was determined that out of the Old Confederation there should be hewn a more noble and stupendous framework— an organization constructed out of the liberal principles of past and present governments, but softened, blended and diluted with the glowing features of this age and of the reformation. In view of this, the constancy, ability and wisdom of the land assembled in 1787 at Philadelphia and after six months of toil and patience, of agony of mind and body, the American Constitution was uttered to the world. The people of the several States, assembling in conventions and adopting it as that by which the American States were willing to be governed, organized under it and became once more sisters and members in the same great Republic, and formed according to the letter and spirit of that instrument, a "more perfect union." Under these auspices did the political sun of Freedom's land gain the ascendant of the eastern heaven, threw cheering influences around the homes of sorrow and lamentation, and flooded forth more glowing light upon the frame and policy of States and Government, Under the guiding star of Washington and his vigorous cabinet, the United States began their career of prosperity, of utility, of glory and of greatness. He who had proven himself a "storm in war, now shone a sunbeam in council."' This administration readily proposed leading measures of policy, of liberal law, of national amity, and as promptly pressed them into practice. Treaties and leagues of friendship were entered into with the prominent powers of the earth — commerce, with its thousand sail, skimmed the waters of every sea — golden harvests filled the granaries of the Atlantic shore, and the din of husbandry sounded from the valleys of the West. Our country still prospered and strengthened. Other administrations succeeded that of Washington. The thirteen stars of the Old Confederation rose higher and shone more brightly from the political empj-rean, whilst newly created constellations, peering from the low horizon, came and stood with their sisters in the beautiful blue home of their glory. Each annual round put our country further forward on the road to honor, to felicity, to intellectual and political splendor. Still new States came into and added strength to the union. Westward as a swelling sea, streams of civilization rolled upon the hills and upon the lowlands. And at this day, in one age from the publication of the Declaration, our country is broad as an empire, strong as a bolstered mountain, and with the glowing brilliancy of setting suns, pours streams of light and truth upon the globe.
But though we may all be ever ready to sound the praise of our land, yet still we are dispassionate enough to observe that it is and has for a time been laboring under checks and adversities. The sad experience of the last ten years has taught us that this beautiful sisterhood of states is subject to all the ailings, imprudence and untoward measures of any other political fabric. Americans had grown vain of their government, thought it free of the frailties of human institutions and never dreamed that the unpalateable tales of the slumbering nations might be traced in its history. Thiey were blinded amid the glare of prosperity. "Even the humblest were degraded into the vices and follies of kings. They lost all measures between means and ends, and their headlong desires became their politics and morals." The cool ballast of reason gave way before the meltings of pride — the magnitude of enterprise swelled beyond the power that controlled— the crude theoretics of politicians were substituted for the weighty measures of statesmen. And such a course of policy has for the past few years, paralyzed the national energy,
devastated the means of both civil and political action, tarnished
honor and credit before every State in Europe, and "giving immense power
to aristocratical opinions, to the enemies of free institutions." (Rev.
Sidney Smith.)
The ecclesiastical world is even stained and checkered with all the hues and colors that man could soften, dilute or blend. Yet there are still in daily erection stately institutions, magnificent temples dedicated to the virtues— to all the moral and religious affections and purposes. There are the purest streams of sympathy, of charity, of philanthropy, of religion, flowing over the broad land and forcing their out- lets in the heathen lands of the Sandwich Isles, of Africa, or of the cold North. And in all the communities there are holy divines, pious pastors, eloquent Christian teachers, chastening humanity and satisfying earth with the morals of heaven. In America religious instructions is more universal than in all other climes.
Another feature in the aspect of our day is that of a corrupt state of
morals. Perhaps our country never before witnessed as at present such a
want of confidence, of veracity — never before recorded such a host of violations of pledges, of
contract, of covenant, either in the natural person, in the
representative, in corporations, or in State — never before witnessed
such schemes of villiany, such a list of felonies and misdemeanors. For this land of justice, of honor, of law, these are lamentable facts and startling circumstances. They have been enacted not only in one community", but in every circle of our great country. Nor have they been performed by madmen alone, but by tender youth, by the private man, by men of rank and wealth, who have long lived in confidence and reputation. They are sad evidences of the declining state of our morals. And if it is, as it is said, that the citadel of our glory and our liberty is erected on the rock of virtue it doth behoove the guardian spirits of our country to shield it from the decaying influences of vice, of treachery and violated faith, But they should not alone be of the few, but the whole people should make up the guardian spirits. The influence of the few, though great and good-will ever be drowned by a countertide of the many. Cicero and his friends in patriotism could not alone preserve their Rome against bad morals and the thousand handmaids of vice who ran riot and fed upon the vitals of both individual and national existences. Insubordination, treason, felony and base ambition deadened the moral stamina of the people and reaching the army, dismantled the walls of the empire of their strength and durability- Then chaos, ruin and consternation mingled their elements. And the sun that shone upon Rome's early liberty, fair as light and pure as mountain air, set behind the waves of a sea of blood that rolled from the springs of ignorance and corrupt morals. So throughout the nations a like sequence follows a like cause. The products of mind are infamous if mind is sown with the seeds of infamy. And virtue, even to be stable, should never be touched with corrodings of vice. And if our country is to stand a dazzling light for the globe, an example to nations, a model to constitutions, it must and should ever be virtuous. Good morals should characterize every circle and class, every craft and profession, should characterize every person, high or low, rich or poor, from the executive personage through all the departments of State, through all private life, through every sub- order and grade of citizenship. Good morals must and ought to be the choicest flower in the national diadem. Then our land would be truly blest, worthy alone of its people and of those who nestled upon the bosom of the storm, gave order, structure and brilliancy to the republic and pointed to coming ages the way to honor, faith and greatness. A third feature in the affairs of the day is the instability of politics, or rather the factions, spirit and whimsical minds of our politicians and statesmen. The same could perhaps have been said of any age or country, and perhaps justly, too, of the palmiest days of our young republic. Yet, these days do seem afflicted with more than their appropriate deserts. The bad state of the national morality, affecting the heart, surely plunges the brain of the politician into all the vertigo of mental derangement, and the man swims loose from patriotism and steady principle into the great whirl of political chicanery and popular manoeuvre. The desires and interests of the nation are made to conform to the dreamy views of men— principles of government are made to bend to the will and construction of some wayward mind — necessary measures are treated as obsolete shams, and then the beautiful, but grand machinery of our government is brought at odds and ends with itself. Were it innocent error there would be consolation of soul, but broken pledges, violated faith, intrigue and political corruption make the lover of country plead for the freedom and peace of his people. Would that politics were more stable. Yet, men are sliding and measures are changeable as the shadows of the fields. Politicians without firmness and integrity are far more dangerous than traitors; for whilst they apparently labor for country, yet for aggrandizement they subserve any purpose, any measure, any cause, any party; be that subservience fraught with honesty, with political juggling or with deep moral corruption. They change on the political stage with every annual round of the sun, with the statistics of every popular election, with the current of every presidential mes- sage. The principles of mid-life are not akin to those of early manhood and the principles advocated in the evening of their days are at broad variance with those of any former period. Politicians without firmness and integrity make men, not principles* the landmarks of their action. In their highest aspirations they aim for the mountain heights of affluence and power rather than tug higher to those golden temples of honor and enduring fame.
Would there were a greater consistency in the affairs of State. The times of a Greek Olympiad mark the life and burial of old principles, and the rise of new mark the change and varied advocacy of sentiment and opinion, mark entire revolutions in the views and actions of men and States. Hence the partj-isms in the national family, hence the diversity of arguments and contrariety of action, hence the jarring elements of faction and discord, hence the woes, the misery, oppressions of our people, hence the jargon, the wrangling and contentions about measures, laws, and constitution, hence the fears, the distrust, the dispair, foreign and domestic, with respect to the issue of our national affairs and policy.
Our nation, in order that it may assume a more splendid station and become the happiest among the powers that be, must ever adhere to a constant, fixed and wise policy. Its ministers, officers and servants must ever be beyond the pale of petty politics and the tamperings of unsteady politicians. They must not swerve from high duties because of the influences of friends, must never be moved by the persuasions of party, nor yield to the popularity of measures new and untried. Such patriotism, magnanimity and fixidity of purpose would ennoble party contentions and zeal, would lift the acts and policy of civil ministers and officers above the dust and vulgarism of abuse, would make government as it ever should be, the true representative and honest administrator of the will, wants and wishes of a great Christian nation.
There is another sign of the times that makes all hearts tremble. As yet it is a dark cloud, lying low upon the distant horizon, and may heaven avert its ever o'erspreading the
blue but peaceful canopy of our skies. That sign is an offensive
intermeddling with other's rights, which policy and government vested in
them. The spirits of 76 were, morally, religiously, civilly and politically impelled to break up the ties that bound them to their king, and to raise their country
to a station among the nations. So are we by the same magnanimous
principles boixnd to maintain our rank and preserve this grand
Confederacy of States. Theirs was a most splendid triumph of concession,
of compromise, of patriotism, of intellect. To preserve this union can never require less concession, less compromise, less patriotism, less intellect — can never be a less splendid triumph). Then let all the noble principles of our nature have their sway and influences. And then, away with the bones of sore and dangerous contention. Let it pass from the hearts of men as the mist from the hills, and let these States and this people bind stronger still the ligaments that course tho great body politic, and let them dispel the moral infections that would gather a deep gangrene around the vital parts of their existences. If not, we shall be gone, not even to drivel out the few ages of a Roman republic or Grecian confederacy. Then this great day will be but a pleasing remembrance in the great circumstances of time. Its glories will be known but to make patriots weep over the blasted wreck of the constitution of Madison and Washington.
Yet while we have observed upon some of the darker shades, we shall but fulfill our duty in contrasting the brighter colors of the picture of the present. Though there are many things to fear, yet everything is to be hoped for and all may be gained. We are 67 years from the date of the declaration, 56 from the constitution, and already in this, the morning of our days, we have surpassed most of the nations and stand proudly abreast with the first. Our country is acknowledged to be the friend and equal of every people. Her influence is courted by tribe and by nation. Her light and knowledge are fast dispelling the moral night that has so long hung upon heathen and pagan mind. Her commerce is borne to the stalls and shops of every trading people; in re- turn vast treasures flow as great rivers into our coffers. And her citizens, as did the Romans, make the national name a means of free passport in every sea voyage or extended peregrination. The reputation of her statesmen is borne upon the winds of every continent, their principles are seeping into the hearts of monarchies, they are now beinff sown around the thrones of despotisms. And to use the language of foreigners (as written by Rev. Sidney Smith) America "is looked upon as the ark of human happiness and the most splendid picture of justice and wisdom that the world has yet seen."
At home we are quiet as it could be expected of active
talents and restless passions. The broad bosom of our society is as the
bosom of the grand ocean; at one time it is covered with summer waves,
at another it is flooded with angry tides; on one day it lies in a beautiful, but golden repose; on another storms that would upturn mountains lash deeply the elements of its being. But the peace of that ocean has yet ever healed the wounds of its madness. Under the olive of peace we are passing the dark lines of the American desert and are fast hastening to the verge of the western wave. Within these broad limits every avocation, craft and profession that the genuis of Americans can conceive are pursued with skill, with industry, with honor. All the wants and desires that humanity could imagine may be gratified; all the luxuries that mind or appetite ever feasted upon may be served from the elements that compose our soil and our government. With these advantages our nation should be great, our people should be happy. They are indeed aiming and advancing to a more delightful state. Their active talents and bold enterprise are working anew the materials of past intellect; they are advancing in discovery and in the luxuriant fields of invention and conception. The brightest page in fie history of the present is the great improvement in letters and science. Practical science is and has been carried to as high a state of perfection in this as in any other land. At home we reap daily the rich harvests and splendid efforts made in its advancing state. And our hearts swell
with pride and exultation when we learn the enviable reputation which
our countrymen possess abroad for their profundity in this branch of
useful knowlege; when we learn that they are constructing rail cars for the Russias, erecting steamboats on the Seine, bearing away the palm in the statuary art in Italy equaling the most splendid specimens of painting at Westminster, teaching the arts of war to the wandering Beduoin and drawing maps and charts of the newly discovered continents and seas of the South Pole. They are advancing farther. They are ranging the wide uni- verse of mind and matter and subjecting the whole to their plastic hand. They are enlarging and improving the beautiful but sublime fields of physics and philosophy, creating anew their principles, establishing better theories in science and making more correct classifications in morals and meta- physics.
In the universal diffusion of knowledge our people excel any other— nay, all the nations united. It is said that 1,400 printing presses are in constant operation within our national limits, whilst but 1,000 or 1,100 make up the aggregate of presses in the rest of the world. And there are more in the city of New York alone than in all the immense population of Asia. What a commentary on the energy of American minds, on the mental torpor and darkness that pervade those of the Asiatics. What a contrast between the institutions of freedom and those of the land of despotism.
Grecian statesmen, either to be independent of all for- eign means or to rely more confidently on the knowledge to be gained, traveled into other states and, returning, more correctly and generally taught their people the perfection of foreign letters, goverments and institutions. To our countrymen, either from like reasons, or from magnificence, or from a zealous pursuit of knowledge, do not confine them- selves to their own national limits, but have ranged and are ranging the round globe and living air for materials for com- position and mental action, Leslie domesticated himself in England and Ireland for the sake of delineations of their aristocracy and commonalty; for the purpose of observation upon the wealth, the magnificence, the moral and political bearing; the former in contrast with the woes the misery, the moral, physical and intellectual condition of the latter. Dwight and others interested and instructed their country- men with delineations of the scenery and states of the Rhine, with the geopraphical, social political and religious state of the laud of the Holy Sepulchre. Wilde quitted the theatre of the American Congress and sought, as it was thought, a will-o-the-wisp among the mansions of Northern Italy. He found on a wall, a hundred times coated over, the long- sought-for likeness of the great Dante and is now preparing for the honor of his country a complete work of the writings with a life of this splendid poet and eminent man of the modern Italian republics. Prescott burned the midnight oil over the archives and time-worn manuscripts of old Spanish libraries ere he consecrated to his country his "History of Ferdinand and Isabella," which is not surpassed in mastery of language, beauty of style, range of thought and magnitude of learning. Irving read from the same musty scrawled writings with Prescott. His life of Columbus is an honor to the age, combining all the ornaments and useful requisites that a reading people could desire. He sought the solitude of the Alhambra, that monument of Moorish skill and life. In the brilliancy of his genius he peopled its solitudes and gave eloquence to its shadows. Stephens and Norman have but yesterday edified the world with their adventures amid the wilds of Yucatan. They have laid before it their interpretations of the hyeroglyphics, their surveyings of the mouldering cities and crumbling temples, and their philosophizings upon the origin and race of the slumbering nations. These and a thousand other labors in foreign parts have added and are adding beauty, strength and diversity to our literature and science. If in no other particular, America will be great in science and letters; will form an aristocracy of intellect surpassed by none. (For the sake of brevity omitted my remarks upon the national judiciary and other points.)
Such are our remarks upon the darker and brighter aspects of this glorious land of liberty. It is remarkable for the stirring nature of its scenes, for the splendid virtues of its institutions, for the bold spirit of its people. Let the sons and daughters of freedom be proud of it. Let them condemn its vices, love its strong pillars, cherish its institu- tions, reverence its constitution and it will stand undivided during the washings of its rivers, during the growth of its forests. Let them stand as a host for the preservation of the Union. For there is beauty in a firm sisterhood of States — in firm sisterhood of States of kindred interests, of kindred feelings— in a firm sisterhood of States of the same constitution, language, institutions and laws. And as Sir William Blackstone said of the British constitution say we of the glorious heritage of our fathers, esto perpetua — be thou perpetual.
From "The Life and Writings of Governor Charles Henry Hardin"
Charles Henry Hardin (July 15, 1820 – July 29, 1892) was a politician
and governor from Missouri, and one of the eight founders of Beta Theta
Pi fraternity.
Love cures people - both the ones who give it and the ones who receive it. Karl A. Menninger (July 22, 1893 – July 18, 1990)
Karl Augustus Menninger (July 22, 1893 – July 18, 1990) was an American
psychiatrist and a member of the Menninger family of psychiatrists who
founded the Menninger Foundation and the Menninger Clinic in Topeka,
Kansas. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Karl_Menninger
(Regarding his fraternal career, Dr. Karl was initiated as an Entered
Apprentice Mason on March 27, 1918, passed to the Degree of Fellowcraft
on May 1, 1918, and raised to the Sublime Degree of Master Mason on June
21, 1918, in Topeka Lodge No. 17)
If
by chance some day you're not feeling well and you should remember some
silly thing I've said or done and it brings back a smile to your face
or a chuckle to your heart, then my purpose as your clown has been
fulfilled. Richard Bernard "Red" Skelton (July 18, 1913 – September 17, 1997)
(Newly made Shriners Roy Rogers, Potentate Harold Lloyd, Red Skelton, and Dick Powell)
Ever the patriot, here is a great video of Brother Skelton explaining the meaning behind the Pledge of Allegiance:
Red Skelton was an American entertainer best known for being a national radio and television comedian between
1937 and 1971. Skelton, who has stars on the Hollywood Walk of Fame,
began his show business career in his teens as a circus clown and
continued on vaudeville and Broadway and in films, radio, TV,
nightclubs, and casinos, all while he pursued an entirely separate
career as an artist.
(Vincennes Lodge No. 1, Vincennes, Indiana, in 1939. He also was a
member of both the Scottish and York Rite. He was the recipient of the
General Grand Chapter’s Gold Medal for Distinguished Service in the Arts
and Sciences.
On September 24, 1969, he received the highest
honor in the Scottish Rite when he was coroneted an Inspector General
Honorary 33°. He was also a Shriner at the Al Malaikah Shrine Temple in
Los Angeles, California).
What, sir, is the use of a militia? It is to
prevent the establishment of a standing army, the bane of liberty. Now,
it must be evident, that, under this provision, together with their
other powers, Congress could take such measures with respect
to a militia, as to make a standing army necessary. Whenever
Governments mean to invade the rights and liberties of the people, they
always attempt to destroy the militia, in order to raise an army upon
their ruins. Elbridge Thomas Gerry (July 17, 1744 – November 23, 1814)
Elbridge
Thomas Gerry (July 17, 1744 – November 23, 1814) was an American
statesman and diplomat. As a Democratic-Republican he was selected as
the fifth Vice President of the United States (1813–1814), serving under
James Madison. He is known best for being the namesake of
gerrymandering, a process by which electoral districts are drawn with
the aim of aiding the party in power, although its initial "g" has
softened to /dÊ’/ from the hard /É¡/ of his name.
(It is believed that he was a member of Philanthropic Lodge of
Marblehead, MA, but the records of this lodge are missing from the
period 1760-78 when he logically would have been initiated.)